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37
of constitution, and then the time is come to turn every form of government into our
despotism.
The recognition of our despot may also come before the destruction of the constitution; the
moment for this recognition will come when the peoples utterly wearied by the irregularities
and incompetence – a matter which we shall arrange for – of their rulers, will clamor: “Away
with them and give us one king over all the earth who will unite us and annihilate the causes
of discords – frontiers, nationalities, religions, State debts – who will give us peace and
quiet, which we cannot find under our rulers and representatives.”
But you yourselves perfectly well know that to produce the possibility of the expression of
such wishes by all the nations it is indispensable to trouble in all countries the peoples
’s
relations with their governments so as to utterly exhaust humanity with dissension, hatred,
struggle, envy and even by the use of torture, by starvation, BY THE INOCULATION OF
DISEASES, by want, so that the goyim see no other issue than to take refuge in our
complete sovereignty in money and in all else.
But if we give the nations of the world a breathing space the moment we long for is hardly
likely ever to arrive.
[H: Yes, I would guess that you see a lot of realities breaking through form the fanciful
manipulations of the intelligent and genius goyim to the plight in which nations find
themselves TODAY – and a specific example is directly in view in the Philippines.
This why we are moving through computer complications and hours of extra, and repeated,
typing to get this into your hands that you might consider your positions – AGAIN.
This was
the transition period for the Plan 2000 and nobody said the recovery would be easy or safe.
Anyone still want this job?
How do the primroses smell as you struggle through these days
of Satan?]
PROTOCOL NO. 11
The State Council has been, as it were, the emphatic expression of the authority of the ruler:
it will be, as the “show” part of the Legislative Corps, what may be called the editorial
committee of the laws and decrees of the ruler.
This, then, is the program of the new constitution. We shall make Law, Right and Justice (1)
in the guise of proposals to the Legislative Corps, (2) by decrees of the president under the
guise of general regulations, of orders of the Senate and of resolutions of the State council
in the guise of ministerial orders, (3) and in case a suitable occasion should arise – in the
form of a revolution in the State.
Having established approximately the modus agendi we will occupy ourselves with details of
those combinations by which we have still to complete the revolution in the course of the
machinery of State in the direction already indicated. By these combinations I mean the
freedom of conscience, the voting principle, and many another that must disappear forever
from the memory of man, or undergo a radical alteration the day after the promulgation of
the new constitution.
It is only at that moment that we shall be able at once to announce all
our orders, for, afterwards, every noticeable alteration will be dangerous, for the following
reasons: if this alteration be brought in with harsh severity and in a sense of severity and
limitations, it may lead to a feeling of despair caused by fear of new alterations in the same
direction; if, on the other hand, it be brought in in a sense of further indulgences it will be
said that we have recognized our own wrongdoing and this will destroy the prestige of the
infallibility of our authority, or else it will be said that we have become alarmed and are
compelled to show a yielding disposition, for which we shall get no thanks because it will be
supposed to be compulsory… Both the one and the other are injurious to the prestige of the
new constitution.
What we want is that from the first moment of its promulgation, while the
peoples of the world are still stunned by the accomplished fact of the revolution, still in a
