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52
merciless.
If it is still possible by stretching a point, to admit a reconsideration of the motive
causes in simple crimes, there is no possibility of excuse for persons occupying themselves
with questions in which nobody except the government can understand anything. And it is
not all government that understand true policy.
PROTOCOL NO. 19
If we do not permit any independent dabbling in the political we shall an the other hand
encourage every kind of report or petition with proposals for the government to examine into
all kinds of projects for the amelioration of the condition of the people; this will reveal to us
the defects or else the fantasies of our subjects, to which we shall respond either by
accomplishing them or by a wise rebuttment to prove the short-sightedness of one who
judges wrongly.
Sedition-mongering is nothing more than the yapping of a lap-dog at an elephant. For a
government well organized, not from the police but from the public point of view, the lap-dog
yaps at the elephant in entire unconsciousness of its strength and importance.
It needs no
more than to take a good example to show the relative importance of both and the lap-dogs
will cease to yap and will wag their tails the moment they set eyes on an elephant.
In order to destroy the prestige of heroism for political crime we shall send it for trial in the
category of thieving, murder, and every kind of abominable and filthy crime. Public opinion
will then confuse in its conception this category of crime with the disgrace attaching to every
other and will brand it with the same contempt.
We have done our best, and I hope we have succeeded, to obtain that the goyim should not
arrive at this means of contending with sedition. It was for this reason that through the press
and in speeches, indirectly – in cleverly compiled schoolbooks on history, we have
advertised by sedition-mongers for the idea of the commonweal. This advertisement has
increased the contingent of liberals and has brought thousands of goyim into the ranks of
our livestock cattle.
PROTOCOL NO.20
Today we shall touch upon the financial program, which I put off to the end of my report as
being the most difficult, the crowning and the decisive point of our plans. Before entering
upon it I will remind you that I said that the sum total of our actions is settled by the question
of figures.
When we come into our kingdom our autocratic government will avoid, from a principle of
self-preservation, sensibly burdening the masses of the people with taxes, remembering that
it plays the part of father and protector. But as State organization costs dear it is necessary
nevertheless to obtain the funds required for it.
I
will, therefore, elaborate with particular
precaution the question of equilibrium in this matter.
Our rule, in which the king will enjoy the legal fiction that everything in his State belongs to
him (which may easily be translate into fact), will be enabled to resort to the lawful
confiscation of all sums of every kind for the regulation of their circulation in the State. From
this follows that taxation will best be covered by a progressive tax on property. In this
manner the dues will be paid without straitening or ruining anybody in the form of a
percentage of the amount of property. The rich must be aware that it is their duty to place a
part of their superfluities at the disposal of the State since the State guarantees them
security of possession of the rest of their property and the right of honest gains, I say
honest, for the control over property will do away with robbery on a legal basis.
