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the law, into the conduct of elections, into the press, into liberty of the person, but principally
into education and training as being the corner-stones of a free existence.
We have fooled, bemused and corrupted the youth of the goyim by rearing them in
principles and theories which are known to us to be false although it is by us that they have
been inculcated.
Above the existing laws without substantially altering them, and by merely twisting them into
contradictions of interpretations, we have erected something grandiose in the way of results.
These results found expression first in the fact that the interpretations masked the laws;
afterwards they entirely hid them from the eyes of the government owing to the impossibility
of making anything out of the tangled web of legislation.
This is the origin of the theory, of course, of arbitration.
You may say the goyim will rise upon us, arms in hand, if they guess what is going on
before the time comes; but in the West we have against this a maneuver of such appalling
terror that the very stoutest hearts quail – the undergrounds, metropolitans, those
subterranean corridors which, before the time comes, will be driven under all the capitals
and from whence those capitals will be blown into air with all their organizations and
archives.
PROTOCOL NO. 10
Today I begin with a repetition of what I said before, and I beg you to bear in mind that
governments and peoples are content in the political with outside appearances. And how,
indeed, are the goyim to perceive the underlying meaning of things when their
representatives give the best of their energies to enjoying themselves? For our policy it is of
greatest importance to take cognizance of this detail: it will be of assistance to us when we
come to consider the division of authority, freedom of speech, of the press, of religion
(faith)., of the law of association, of equality before the law, of the inviolability of property, of
the dwelling, of taxation (the idea of concealed taxes), of the reflex force of the laws. All
these questions are such as ought not to be touched upon directly and openly before the
people. In cases where it is indispensable to touch upon them they must not be
categorically named, it must merely be declared without detailed exposition that the
principles of contemporary law are acknowledged by us.
The reason of keeping silence in
this respect is that by not naming a principle we leave ourselves freedom of action, to drop
this or that out of it without attracting notice; if they were all categorically named they would
appear to have been already given.
The mob cherishes a special affection and respect for the geniuses of political power and
accepts all their deeds of violence with the admiring response: “Rascally, well, yes, it is
rascally, but it is clever!…a trick, if you like, but how craftily played, how magnificently done,
what imprudent audacity ! ”
We count upon attracting all nations to the task erecting the new fundamental structure, the
project for which has been drawn up by us.
This is why, before everything, it is
indispensable for us to arm ourselves and to store up on ourselves that absolutely reckless
audacity and irresistible might of the spirit which in the person of our active workers will
break down all hindrances on our way.
When we have accomplished our coup detat we shall say then to the various peoples:
’etat we shall say then to the various peoples:
“Everything has gone terribly badly, all have been worn out with sufferings.
We are
destroying the causes of your torment – nationalities, frontiers, differences of coinages. You
are at liberty, of course, to pronounce sentence upon us, but can it possibly be a just one if it
is confirmed by you before you make any trial of what we are offering you.”…Then will the
mob exalt us and bear us up in their hands in a unanimous triumph of hopes and
expectations. Voting, which we have made the instrument which will set us on the throne of
